Posts Tagged ‘Abortion’

The Anti-Woman World of Roe

Monday, March 19th, 2012

Roe v. Wade will turn 40 next year, leading many to consider how the decision has affected America’s women and families.  Abortion advocates are already laying the groundwork for what will certainly become a jarring celebration of a life-ending procedure.

Planned Parenthood Action’s website invites individuals to post statements about what Roe has meant to them.  The presently posted comments largely follow the same theme—“because of Roe, I have been able to do X” (e.g., go to college, start a family years after an abortion, follow my dreams).  In other words, these individuals believe that, but for the availability of abortion when they faced unexpected pregnancies, they would not have continued full, happy lives.

Tragically, this perception reflects a philosophy—one endorsed by the courts in Roe and blatantly promoted by abortion-rights advocates—that unnaturally pits women against their children.

An unexpected, unborn child growing in a mother’s womb is cast as an antagonist in his or her mother’s story, determined to spoil the plot.  The only way that a woman’s story can continue towards the happy ending she desires—a college education, a career, a relationship—is to rid herself of the tiny, defenseless antagonist.  In fact, according to this philosophy, women do not have a shot at accomplishing what their male counterparts can accomplish without the availability of abortion.

This “woman vs. child” philosophy leaves no room for a baby to fill the pages of his or her mother’s story with new, beautiful challenges and rewards. It limits a woman’s joys to those that may come from paid work. It belittles women by portraying them as incapable of fulfilling both the dream of a satisfying career and the creation of a family.

It also ignores the inspiring stories of countless women who have given life to their children in the face of difficult circumstances, as well as the heart-breaking stories of those who regret, or have been physically or psychologically scarred by, an abortion.

Further, under this philosophy, a woman is all alone—her family, friends, church, and community are robbed of the opportunity to help her care for her baby while she continues to pursue her dreams.   It is painfully ironic that abortion advocates argue that women are too weak, too powerless, too friendless, and too lacking in fortitude to thrive as mothers when their circumstances are not “ideal.”

Finally, the philosophy shuts out an alternate and equally life-affirming plot twist—one in which a woman entrusts her baby to another family through the gift of adoption.  Long adoption waiting lists are a testimony to the aching arms longing to take up the children whose mothers believe adoption is the best choice for their children.

President Obama also endorsed the “woman vs. child” philosophy in his recent statement on the anniversary 39th of Roe, commanding that “as we remember this historic anniversary, we must also continue our efforts to ensure that our daughters have the same rights, freedoms, and opportunities as our sons to fulfill their dreams” (emphasis added).

In reality, when it comes to the creation of a family, Roe gives women more rights than men.

Men have no control over the destiny of their unborn children.  A man has no court-given right to plead for his child’s life, and no freedom or opportunity to be a father unless his baby’s mother so chooses.

If a pregnant woman’s dream to continue her life without a child competes with a man’s dream to take responsibility and be a father to that child, the woman’s dream gets fulfilled, and the man’s does not.

So, what does Roe truly mean for America?

It means the virtual obliteration of societal encouragement and affirmation for women who want to bring “unexpected” children into the world.  It means that women today are condescendingly told that, without abortion, they are unable to realize their full potential.  It means that men are helpless to plead for the lives of their unborn babies.  And it means that approximately 52 million unborn American children, robbed of any “rights, freedoms, and opportunities,” have been aborted since Roe.

 

However, I wouldn’t count on finding this reflection on the Planned Parenthood website. The only narratives they accept and post are from woman tragically convinced that their futures hinge on ending the lives of their own children.

Mary Harned is staff counsel at Americans United for Life

Hoosiers Act to Defund ALL Abortion Mills

Monday, May 16th, 2011

On Tuesday, May 10th, Governor Mitch Daniels of Indiana signed a bill containing numerous pro-life provisions.  A survey of the headlines for most news stories about the bill, however, would lead one to conclude that the legislation’s sole purpose is to bankrupt Planned Parenthood.  In reality, the first section of the bill ensures that tax dollars in the Hoosier state do not bankroll any participant in the abortion industry—not just the nation’s largest abortion provider.[1]

Section 1 of Indiana House Bill 1210 prohibits any agency of the state from contracting with or making grants (state funds or state-administered federal funds) to entities that perform abortions or maintain or operate facilities where abortions are performed.  No particular abortion provider is named in the legislation.  In fact, if an abortion provider decides that providing actual health care—pap tests, treatment for sexually transmitted diseases, and prenatal care, for example—is more important than their profitable abortion business, they can stop performing abortions and restore their public funding. 

As we have already seen, abortion providers are not likely to make this life-affirming change anytime soon.  Instead, Planned Parenthood promptly challenged the constitutionality of Indiana’s new law in U.S. District Court.  While the court has not rendered a final decision in the case, Judge Tanya Walton Pratt, appointed by President Obama, refused to grant the temporary restraining order requested by the abortion giant. 

While the media are portraying efforts to cut off abortion subsidization as novel, many states have laws that restrict or prohibit abortion funding, subsidization, and insurance coverage.  At least 19 states restrict some form of insurance coverage of abortion—in private plans, for public employees, and/or through the new health care Exchanges.  At least 9 states restrict the use of public facilities for abortions, at least 4 have some type of restriction on grants to abortion providers, and at least 16 limit grants to organizations that counsel in favor of or refer for abortions.  In fact, at least 6 states have enacted laws this year that may impact the abortion industry’s pocketbook. 

During the 2010 federal healthcare debate, Americans began asking more probing questions about public funding for abortions and abortion coverage.  The answers to these questions shocked many, and have driven Indiana and other states to protect their citizens from inadvertently or unwillingly paying for abortions and abortion coverage.  Similarly, revelations about the nefarious activities of abortion providers have propelled efforts to cut them off from the federal trough altogether. 

Indiana is unquestionably a leader in protecting its citizens from participating in abortions through their pocketbooks.  It will be exciting to see other states follow suit.


[1] The bill exempts hospitals and ambulatory surgical centers licensed under IC 16-21-2.

Idaho Becomes 6th State to Opt-Out of Taxpayer Subsidization of Abortion Coverage – 1st in 2011

Tuesday, April 5th, 2011

 On Friday, Idaho Governor C.L. “Butch” Otter signed Senate Bill 1115, which prohibits insurance plans from covering most abortions in the Idaho health insurance Exchange (scheduled to go into effect by 2014 pursuant to the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA)).  The bill provides an exception for coverage of abortions when the life of the mother is endangered or the pregnancy is the result of rape or incest.

In 2010, five states – Arizona, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, and Tennessee – enacted “opt-out” laws to ensure that taxpayer dollars are not used to subsidize abortion coverage within their state Exchanges.

Idaho legislators relied on the AUL model bill, the “Federal Abortion-Mandate Opt-Out Act” when drafting S.B. 1115.  AUL Idaho State Director Christ Troupis and David Ripley with Idaho Chooses Life were instrumental in the bill’s passage. Ripley stated that:  “AUL played a critical role in moving Idaho toward opting-out of abortion funding under ObamaCare.”  Further, this type of legislation is likely to be enacted in other states before the 2011 legislative season ends. 

Idaho is already a leader in this area of abortion-related public policy.  Citizens of Idaho recognize that elective abortion is not health care and should therefore not be covered by insurance plans.  Idaho currently has a law which prohibits private insurance plans offered within the state from covering abortions except when a mother’s life is endangered.  This type of law, which is being considered in several states this year as well, protects individuals from unwillingly or inadvertently paying for abortions with their insurance premiums.  By enacting S.B. 1115, Idaho is ensuring that the PPACA does not encroach on their existing state public policy against insurance coverage of abortion. 

Governor Otter and our allies in Idaho are to be congratulated on their bold leadership in support of life.

A Missed Opportunity Leads to More Battles over Federal Funding for Abortions

Thursday, July 22nd, 2010

A Missed Opportunity

During the 2009-10 health care reform debate, we at Americans United for Life strongly urged Congress to adopt a prohibition on federal funding for elective abortions that would cover all provisions in the new health care reform bill.  Amendments offered in both the House and the Senate would have accomplished this – the Stupak-Pitts amendment in the House and the Hatch-Nelson-Casey amendment in the Senate.  Unfortunately, Congress passed the final health care reform bill without including either of these amendments prohibiting federal funding for abortions.

In order to win the votes of a handful of pro-life Democrats in the House, President Obama signed an Executive Order (EO) that purported to apply the Hyde Amendment (which restricts the use of certain federal dollars, such as Medicaid funds, for abortions) to the new law.  In reality, the EO only addressed two provisions in the law:  the new health insurance exchanges and additional funding for Community Health Centers (as a former AUL memo explains, the EO is insufficient even on these points).  The EO utterly failed, however, to comprehensively apply a prohibition on the use of federal funds for abortions to the law.

The Fall Out

It has not taken long for this failure to create problems.  One of the provisions in the law that lacks a prohibition on the use of federal funds for abortions creates a $5 billion preexisting condition insurance program that will provide up to 400,000 individuals with insurance.  The program will be entirely funded by the federal government (federal tax-dollars).  Approximately half of the states will use a federal pool to insure individuals who meet the requirements of this program.  The details of this pool are expected from the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) in August.  The other half of the states will create their own pools, by submitting their plans to HHS for approval.  While details on most states’ pools are not available, three state plans (Pennsylvania, New Mexico, and Maryland) were submitted with language explicitly allowing the use of these federal funds for elective abortions.

Following outcry from pro-life groups, Pennsylvania and New Mexico issued statements that their plans would not cover abortions, and HHS released a statement that said:

[i]n Pennsylvania and in all other states abortions will not be covered in the Pre-existing Condition Insurance Plan (PCIP) except in the cases of rape or incest, or where the life of the woman would be endangered. Our policy is the same for both state and federally-run PCIP programs. We will reiterate this policy in guidance to those running the Pre-existing Condition Insurance Plan at both the state and federal levels. . . .

Problem solved, right?  Perhaps this problem, but what about the next time a state or agency attempts to sneak abortion funding into a new pot of taxpayer money authorized by health care reform?  Without a blanket prohibition on the use of federal funds for abortion or to subsidize insurance plans that cover abortions, there is a constant threat that funds could be diverted for elective abortions.

Therefore, even if HHS follows through on its word with the PCIP programs (and the states comply), this is just the first of what is certain to be a series of problems.  Further, HHS could rescind this policy at any time, or courts could interpret abortion coverage in the PCIP program as required in light of the fact that the statute does not prohibit it.

The Solution

The only way to completely ensure that new federal funds created through HCR will not be used for abortions is to pass a federal law to that effect.  Two proposed pieced of federal legislation would accomplish this.

The Protect Life Act

The “Protect Life Act” would essentially correct Congress’ error by adopting the Stupak-Pitts amendment into federal law.   It would apply the Hyde Amendment to the health care law in its entirety.  The act would ensure that no federal funds authorized under the health care reform law are used to pay for abortions or subsidize insurance plans that cover abortions, prevent any mandate authorities from being used to force insurance plans to cover abortions, and codify strong conscience protection.

The Smith Bill

The Smith bill has not yet been introduced.  It is even more comprehensive than the Protect Life Act in that it will establish a permanent government-wide prohibition on taxpayer subsidies for abortion and abortion coverage.   For decades, restrictions on the use of federal funds for abortions have been enacted piecemeal and have been contained in appropriations riders (like the Hyde Amendment, which must be renewed annually), regulations (which can be overturned by new administrations), and executive orders (which are the whim of a president).  The Smith bill would eliminate the ongoing struggle that we face every year to ensure that federal funds are not used for abortions by enshrining this principle in U.S. statutory law.

States Continue to ‘Opt-Out’

Thursday, June 10th, 2010

It’s only been 2.5 months since the health care bill was signed into law, but states are continuing to opt-out of the abortion-mandate in the federal health care law.

In Florida, Governor Crist is debating whether to sign a bill addressing health care that contains the opt-out and a mandate that women be given the opportunity to view an ultrasound prior to abortion.  Rumor is that he’s leaning toward vetoing the bill, but calls and emails from concerned pro-life Floridians are pouring into his office, so he may be reconsidering.

In Missouri, SB 793 will soon hit Governor Nixon’s desk.  He has yet to make any statement concerning the bill that not only opt-out of the abortion mandate, but dramatically enhances the state’s informed consent rules.  If Governor Nixon vetos the bill, it is widely expected that the legislature will override it.

And in Louisiana, the legislature is expected to act soon to approve HB 1247 and Governor Jindal is expected to quickly sign it.  Local activists are pushing to be the fourth state where the opt-out becomes law behind Arizona, Mississippi, and Tennessee.

So far, the opt-out has passed six different state legislatures, and that number will likely soon rise to seven.  This progress is remarkable given that the federal health care law was signed at a time when the legislative calendars in most states didn’t permit action on this bill this year.  I predict that next year we will see the number of states opting-out to jump dramatically.

Court Victory in Alaska – Parental Notice Measure to Go on August Ballot

Thursday, June 3rd, 2010

Chalk up another defeat for Planned Parenthood.

Pro-life advocates have been working tirelessly to put an initiative on the ballot that would give parents the right to be notified before their minor daughter obtains an abortion.  Planned Parenthood sued arguing that the 36,000 people who had signed a petition to put it on the ballot were not given sufficient information about the measure prior to signing.  The court disagreed and ruled that the amendment can go on the August primary ballot.

Currently there is no parental notification in the state.  In November 2007, Planned Parenthood won a lawsuit against a parental notice law that had been passed by the state’s legislature arguing that it violated the minor’s right to privacy.

Mississippi 3rd State Where Opt-Out Becomes Law

Tuesday, May 25th, 2010

Governor Haley Barbour has just signed Mississippi’s opt-out bill into law making the state the third to enact this important legislation.  The bill, based on the AUL model, prohibits insurance plans in the soon-to-be-created health care exchanges from providing abortion coverage.  The federal health care law allows taxpayer dollars to be used to subsidize insurance plans that include abortion coverage in the exchanges unless a state proactively chooses to prohibit abortion coverage in those plans.

The bill was championed by long-time AUL friend and Mississippi Senator Alan Nunnelee.  So far, Arizona and Tennessee have enacted similar laws.

In a release, the Governor stated, “Mississippi continues to be the safest place to be an unborn child in America today. This bill ensures that taxpayers’ money will not fund abortions if the health insurance exchanges are implemented under the federal health care law.”

Other states are actively moving on opt-out bills as well.  Governors in Florida, Missouri, and Oklahoma are deciding whether to sign similar legislation.  The Louisiana legislature is likely to pass a bill in the next couple weeks.  The legislatures in Michigan, Ohio, and South Carolina are also considering opt-out legislation.

For more information on AUL’s Opt-Out Initiative, click here.

What Did Barack Obama Promise Planned Parenthood?

Wednesday, June 4th, 2008

Last year before the Planned Parenthood Action Fund, Barack Obama told pro-abortion activists:

“The first thing I’d do as President is sign the Freedom of Choice Act.”

With a single stroke of the pen, Barack Obama would wipe away virtually every state law on abortion nationwide. Instantly, it will undo thirty-seven years of legal work, research, and educational successes that AUL has accomplished in the 50 states. Put another way: Barack Obama will undermine the very reason we exist — to protect human life state by state.

Sen. Barack Obama has co-sponsored this “Freedom of Choice Act” legislation with 18 other Senators. The bill has the support of 110 Members of Congress, too. The stated aim of this legislation is to “end the abortion wars.”

Let me be clear: to these legislators, “ending the abortion wars” means allowing abortion-on-demand in all nine months of pregnancy for any reason and without any restrictions nationwide. This would eradicate state and federal laws that the majority of Americans support — such as requirements that licensed physicians perform abortions, fully-informed consent, and parental involvement — and prevent states from enacting similar protective measures in the future.

AUL Vice President & Legal Director Denise Burke has prepared an analysis of the “Freedom of Choice Act,” which we’ve just posted on our website. Please click here to read Denise’s analysis of this horrendous legislation.

On June 30, AUL’s fiscal year comes to a close. In order to end the year with the funds necessary to fight this looming threat, we must raise $269,000 by June 30. AUL, like many organizations, experiences a dip in donations in the summer time. Please, if you are in a position to give a substantial gift, even a sacrificial one, don’t delay.

Donate Now

Drastic Reduction of Abortions in Michigan Demonstrate the Importance of Incremental Protections

Thursday, May 29th, 2008

As life-affirming laws in Michigan increase, the abortion rates in Michigan continue to plummet. Michigan state health officials announced last week that the abortion rate in the state have dropped to a record low since record-keeping began in 1979. The current abortion rate shows a 50% drop since the peak in 1987, and a 3.7% drop from 2006. The Michigan Department of Community Health reported that in 1987 there were 350 abortions for every 1,000 live births. In 2007, the number of abortions dropped to 200 abortions for every 1,000 live births.

The drastic drop in the Michigan abortion rate in 2007 is no surprise. Americans United for Life (AUL) ranked Michigan as the #1 pro-life state for 2007. AUL bases its rankings on the number of pro-life laws being enforced in a state, and the breadth of protection provided by each law.

Michigan currently has a number of women’s health and safety laws in effect, including:

  • a comprehensive informed consent for abortion statute;
  • a statute providing an option for women to view an ultrasound image of the unborn child;
  • parental consent statute for abortions performed on minors;
  • minimum health and safety requirements for abortion facilities;
  • and a prohibition of the use of public funds and school health coverage plans for abortions.

Michigan law also contains provisions that specifically protect the health and safety of the unborn and the newly born. Michigan law defines the killing of an unborn child as a form of homicide, and defines non-fatal assaults on an unborn child as a crime. In addition, Michigan law requires that infants who survive an abortion and are born alive must be given immediate and appropriate care.

In terms of bioethics, Michigan law bans human cloning, for both reproductive and research purposes. Michigan also bans fetal experimentation and non-therapeutic research on a live human embryo, fetus, or neonate. As for end-of-life issues, Michigan treats physician-assisted suicide as a felony.

Lastly, Michigan law protects the rights of conscience of healthcare providers in the abortion context. Under Michigan law, healthcare professionals and healthcare facilities who object on grounds of conscience may not be forced to participate in the performance of an abortion, and may refrain from participation.

It is no coincidence that the abortion rate in Michigan has dropped to its all-time low, and that Michigan has the best pro-life, incremental legislation in place. Research shows that incremental protections are effective means of lowering the number of abortions performed. Michigan is a concrete example of this conclusion. The effectiveness and importance of passing life-affirming, incremental legislation in the states has been made clear enough. For those interested in making abortion rare, Michigan stands out as a model.

To go to National Right to Life’s article elaborating on congruent abortion data click here.

Fourth Circuit Strikes Down Partial Birth Abortion Ban Nearly Identical to Federal Ban Upheld by USSC in 2007

Wednesday, May 21st, 2008

In what appears to be an unprecedented manifestation of judicial activism, the Fourth Circuit on Tuesday struck down Virginia’s partial-birth abortion ban—a ban that is almost identical to the federal ban upheld last year by the United States Supreme Court (USSC) in Gonzales v. Carhart. First, the Court engaged in a circular pattern of logic to conclude that, while both statutes utilize the same definition, the Virginia statute is somehow unconstitutional. Further, while the Virginia statute clearly excludes D&E abortions from its prohibition, the Fourth Circuit found that the statute prohibits all D&E abortions. The Circuit also pandered to abortionists’ claims that a “small fraction” of D&E abortions accidentally result in D&X abortions (or partial birth abortions)—without requiring such claims to be backed up with real medical evidence. In all, the Circuit propagated a decision wrought with anti-life semantics and purpose—a decision that should and will, in all likelihood, result in USSC action.

Two Statutes, One Clear Meaning

In prohibiting “partial birth infanticide,” or “dilation and extraction” (D&X), Virginia’s statute possesses a definition identical to the federal statute’s definition of “substantially expelled or extracted from its mother”: in the case of a headfirst presentation, the infant’s entire head is outside the body of the mother, or, in the case of breech presentation, any part of the infant’s trunk past the navel is outside the body of the mother. This definition was undisputedly upheld by the Court in Gonzales.

Moreover, Virginia’s statute explicitly excludes other forms of late-term abortions from its prohibition, stating particularly that D&X shall not under any circumstances include the dilation and evacuation (D&E) abortion procedure involving dismemberment of the fetus prior to removal from the body of the mother.

Thus, for all intents and purposes, the Virginia statute and the federal statute proscribe the same act.

Yet the Fourth Circuit did not agree. When the Circuit’s opinion is examined, however, it becomes clear that the Circuit engaged in linguistic gerrymandering—it had an already-determined conclusion in mind, and utilized all forms of circular logic in order to support its unabashedly anti-life agenda.

Examples of Linguistic Gerrymandering and Circular Logic

The Fourth Circuit relies heavily on the USSC’s determination in Gonzales that the federal statute “prohibits a doctor from intentionally performing an intact D&E,” but “does not prohibit the [standard] D&E procedures in which the fetus is removed in parts.” The Circuit focuses on the fact that the Virginia statute does not [allegedly] protect abortionists from “accidentally” performing D&E, because the statute does not [again, allegedly] include an “intent” requirement. The Circuit then goes on to make the extraordinary claim that, because any D&E abortion can accidentally result in a D&X abortion, the statute prohibits all D&E abortions.

This is a red herring. As already mentioned, the Virginia ban specifically excludes other late term abortion procedures, including D&E. In fact, the Virginia ban is in essence more protective of physicians than is the federal ban in this enumeration. In no way can the Fourth Circuit declare that the Virginia ban will “chill” the practice of D&E abortions, because on the face of the ban those abortions are excluded from prosecution.

In other words, despite the fact that neither the federal nor the Virginia statutes prohibit D&E abortions, the Fourth Circuit struck Virginia’s statute because it does not do so in the same manner in which the federal statute does. The Fourth Circuit disregards the fact that the end is the same: D&E abortions can still be performed. It instead focuses on the means by which Virginia accomplished this standard. This is not at all what the USSC had in mind.

Another example is the Circuit’s continual reference to the “small fraction” of D&E abortions that result in the head of the unborn child becoming lodged, forcing the abortionist to resort to D&X. This “small fraction” language is used throughout the opinion, but never does the Circuit report that any witness before the trial court could actually provide a percentage or ratio of abortions to support that claim. Without such evidence, the simple claim of one abortionist witness that a “small fraction” of D&E abortions end in D&X is purely hypothetical—and the USSC made clear in Gonzales that such hypothetical claims are not proper in facial challenges.

A third example of the Fourth Circuit’s blatant refusal to abide by USSC precedent is its failure to abide by the customary rules of statutory construction—namely, that a court should do everything in its power to preserve the constitutionality of a statute. Here, the Circuit could have easily “read” into the act an “intent” provision. This would have been particularly easy given the statute’s clear provision that D&E abortions are not prohibited. But instead, the Circuit decided to ignore this possibility and strike the entire statute.

Conclusion

It is significant here that the partial birth abortion statutes of Missouri and Utah were also enjoined pending litigation when the USSC decided Gonzales. However, contrary to the Fourth Circuit, those courts found the states’ prohibitions constitutional, and the prohibitions are now in force. The Fourth Circuit is the only court since Gonzales to hold a partial birth abortion statute unconstitutional.

In light of the clearly constitutional language and the precautions taken by the state of Virginia to exclude other abortion procedures, the Fourth Circuit’s decision on Tuesday is nothing short of judicial activism. Thus, the Circuit’s decision should, and in all likelihood will, result in further action by the United States Supreme Court.